“Freedom for Abdullah Ocalan – Peace in Kurdistan”. P.O. Box 100511 Writings by Abdullah Öcalan. 45 War and Peace in Kurdistan, Cologne, 2009, PDF.

77 KB – 48 Pages

PAGE – 1 ============
˜e right of self-determination of the peo -ples includes the right to a state of their own. However, the foundation of a state does not increase the freedom of a people. ˜e system of the United Nations that is based on na -tion-states has remained ine˚cient. Mean -while, nation-states have become serious obstacles for any social development. Dem -ocratic confederalism is the contrasting par-adigm of the oppressed people. Democratic confederalism is a non-state social paradigm. It is not controlled by a state. At the same time, democratic confederalism is the cultur- al organizational blueprint of a democrat-ic nation. Democratic confederalism is based on grass-roots participation. Its decision- making processes lie with the communities. Higher levels only serve the coordination and implementation of the will of the communi- ties that send their delegates to the general assemblies. For limited space of time they are both mouthpiece and executive institution. However, the basic power of decision rests with the local grass-roots institutions. Democratic Confederalism Abdullah Ocalan International Initiative Edition

PAGE – 2 ============
Abdullah Ocalan: Democratic Confederalism ˜rst edition ˚˛˝˝© Abdullah Ocalan ISBNTranslation: International Initiative Published by: Transmedia Publishing Ltd. Œ London, Cologne International Initiative Edition International Initiative fiFreedom for Abdullah OcalanŒPeace in Kurdistanfl P.O. Box ˝˛˛˘˝˝ www.freedom-for-ocalan.com ˚

PAGE – 5 ============
5Inhalt I. PREF AC E ˜II. THE N ATION ˚STAT E ˛A. Basics ˙˝. Nation-state and Power ˙tate and its Religious Roots ˝˛ureaucracy and the Nation-State ˝˚ation-State and Homogeneity ˝˚˘. Nation-State and Society B. Ideological Foundations of the Nation-State ˝˘˝. Nationalism ˝˘˚. Positivist Science ˝˘exism eligiousness ˝ˆurds and the Nation-State ˝˙III. DEM OCRATIC CONFEDERALISM ˝˙ A. Participation and the Diversity of the Political Landscape ˚˚ eritage of the Society and the Accumulation of Historical Knowledge C. Ethics and Political Awareness D. Democratic Confederalism and a Democratic Political System E. Democratic Confederalism and Self-Defence ˚ˇF. Democratic Confederalism Versus Strive for Hegemony G. Democratic Confederate Structures at a Global scale H. Conclusion IV. PR INCIPLES OF DEM OCRATIC CONFEDERALISM ˆˆ V. PR OBLEMS OF THE PE OPLES IN THE MIDDLE EAST AND POSSIBLE W AYS TO A SOLU TION ˆˇ Writings by Abdullah Öcalan

PAGE – 8 ============
8solution: the creation of a nation-state, which was the paradigm of the capitalist modernity at that time.We did not believe, however, that any ready-made political blueprints would be able to sustainably improve the situation of the people in the Middle East. Had it not been nationalism and nation-states which had created so many problems in the Middle East?Let us therefore take a closer look at the historical background of this paradigm and see whether we can map a solution that avoids the trap of nationalism and ˜ts the situation of the Middle East better.

PAGE – 9 ============
9II. T HE N ATI ON˛STAT EA. Basics With the sedentarization of people they began to form an idea of the area that they were living in, its extension and its bound – aries, which were mostly determined by nature and features of the landscape. Clans and tribes that had settled in a certain area and lived there for a long period of time developed the notions – tween what the tribes saw as their homelands were not yet bor -ders. Commerce, culture or language were not restricted by the boundaries. Territorial borders r Feudal structures prevailed almost everywhere and now and then dynastic monarchies or great multi-ethnic empires rose with con – tinuously changing borders and many dierent languages and religious communities like the Roman Empire, the Austro-Hun – garian Empire, the Ottoman Empire or the British Empir survived long periods of time and many political changes because their feudal basis enabled them to distribute powver a wide range of smaller secondary power centres. ˝. Nation-state and Power With the appearance of the nation-state trade, commerce and ˜ -nance pushed for political participation and subsequently added their power to the traditional state structurelopment of the nation-state at the beginning of the Industrial Revolution more than two hundred years ago went hand in hand with the

PAGE – 10 ============
10unregulated accumulation of capital on the one hand and the unhindered exploitation of the fast growing population on the w bourgeoisie which rose from this revolution wanted to take part in the political decisions and state structures. Capitalism, their new economic system, thus became an inherent component of the ne bourgeoisie and the power of the capital in order to replace the old feudal order and its ideology which rested on tribal structures and inherited rights by a new national ideology which united all tribes and clans under the roof of the nation. In this way, capital – ism and nation-state became so closely linked to each other that neither could be imagined to exist without the other. As a conse – quence of this, exploitation was not only sanctioned by the state but even encouraged and facilitated. But above all the nation-state must be thought as the maxi -mum form of power. None of the other types of state have such a capacity of power. One of the main reasons for this is that the upper part of the middle-class has been linked to the process of monopolization in an ever-more increasing manner state itself is the most developed complete monopoly. It is the most developed unity of monopolies such as trade, industrial, ˜ – nance and power. One should also think of ideological monopoly as an indivisible part of the power monopoly. ˙. ˜e State and its Religious Rootsreligious roots of the state have already been discussed in de -tail (A. Ooots of Civilisation, London, ˚˛˛ˆ). Many contemporary political concepts and notions have their origin in religious or theological concepts or structures. In fact, a closer look reveals that religion and divine imagination brought about the ˜rst social identities in history glue of many tribes and other pre-state communities and de˜ned their existence as communities.

PAGE – 11 ============
11Later, after state structures had already developed, the tradi -tional links between state, power and society began to weaken. ed and divine ideas and practices which had been pre -sent at the origin of the community increasingly lost their mean – ing for the common identity and were, instead, transferred onto power structures like monar power were derived from divine will and law and its ruler be – came king by the grace of Gepresented divine power on earth. Today, most modern states call themselves secular, claiming that the old bonds between religion and state have been severed and that religion is no longer a par only half the truth. Even if religious institutions or representa – tives of the clergy do no longer participate in political and social -tent just as they ares by political or social ideas and devefore, secularism, or laicism as it is called in Turkey, still contains r of state and religion is the result of a political decision. It did not come naturally. is why even today power and state seem to be something given, god-given we might even say. Notions like secular state or secular power remain ambiguous. The nation-state has also allocated a number of attributes which serve to replace older religiously rooted attributes like: na – – ers. Particularly notions like the unity of state and nation serve to transcend the material political structures and are, as such, remi -niscent of the pre-state unity with God. ey have been put in the place of the divine.When in former times a tribe subjugated another tribe its members had to worship the gods of the victors. We may argu -ably call this process a process of colonization, even assimilation. a centralized state with quasi-divine attributes

77 KB – 48 Pages