Katie Potts, Bon Aqua. Glennie K. Harrison, Cosby. Hollis K. Stephenson, Eagleville. Shafter E. Kidwell, Mohawk. James T. McCabe, Richard City. Edith D. Hill

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1940 CON_GRESSIONAL RECORD.-SENATE FEBRUARY 22 for printing and reference to the proper 1 · :MEMORIALS calendar, as follows: Under clause 3 of rule XXII, memorials Mr. FLANNAGAN: Committee on ture. House Joint Resolution 234. Joint resolution to amend the Agricultural ment Act of 1938, as amended, for the pose of further regulating interstate and foreign commerce in tobacco, and for other purposes; without amendment (Rept. No. 1163). Referred to the Committee of the Whole House on the state of the Union. Mr .. O’CONNOR: Committee on Indian A!· fairs. H. R. 2666. A bill to declare that the United States holds certain lands in trust for Indian use, and for other purposes; without amendment (Rept. No. 1164). Referred to the Committee of the Whole House on the state of the Union. Mr. O’CONNOR: Committee on Indian fairs. H. R. 3345. A bill to authorize the leasing of Indian lands for business, and oth· er purposes; without amendment (Rept. No. 1165). Referred to the Committee of the House on the State of the Union. PUBLIC BILLS AND RESOLUTIONS Under clause 3 of rule XXII, public bills and resolutions were introduced and severally referred as follows: By Mr. CELLER: H. R. 4235. A bill to amend chapter 16 of the Judicial Code, as amended; to the mittee on the Judiciary. By Mr. LEA: H. R. 4236 .. A bill to amend section 20 (11) of the Interstate Commerce Act, relating to the period of limitation, during the war and emergency period, for the institution of suits against carriers by railroad; to the Committee on Interstate and Foreign Commerce. By Mr. POULSON: H. R. 4237. A bill to provide that Naval Reserve officers who are graduates of Naval Reserve Officers’ Training Schools shall be eligible for permanent commissions; to the Committee on Naval Affairs. By Mr. REES of Kansas: H. R. 4238. A bill providing for the ralization of certain alien veterans of the World War; to the Committee on tion and Naturaliz.ation. By Mr. SULLIVAN: H. R. 4239. A bill to provide for tion of claims for benefits-under the laws administered by the Veterans’ tion with _respect to persons discharged from the armed forces because of disability, prior to the granting of such discharge, and for other purposes; to the Committee on World War Veterans’ Legislation. By Mr. BENNETT of Michigan: H. R. 4240. A bill to extend the insurance benefits granted by section 602 (D) (2) of the National Service Life Insurance Act of 1940 to parents of certain decease<;! members of the· armed forces even though such parents are not dependent; to the Committee on World War Veterans' Legislation. By Mr. VINSON of Georgia: H. R. 4241. A bill to vest title to the U. S. S. Wolverine (ex-Michigan) in ·the foundation for the original U.S. S. Michigan, Inc.; to the Committee on Naval Affairs. By Mr. JUDD: H. J. Res. 241. Joint resolution requesting the President to urge upon the governments of those countries where the cultivation of the poppy plant exists, the necessity of imŁ mediately limiting the production of opium to the amount required for strictly medicinal and scientific purposes; to the Committee on Foreign Affairs. By Mr. COLE of Missouri: H. Con. Res. 68. Concurrent resolution to designate Horace c. Carlisle as poet laureate of Congress, with the privilege of having his poems printed in the CONGRESSIONAL RECORD; to the Committee on the Library. were presented and referred as follows: By the SPEAKER: Memorial of the sador to Chile, memorializing the President and the Congress of the United States to send a Member of the House of tives to a legislative session of the Chilean Chamber of Deputies to be held in Santiago, April 14, 1944; to the Committee on Foreign Affairs. Also, memorial of the Legislature of the State of South Carolina, memorialiZing the President and the Congress of the United . States to instruct the delegate to the peace conference to see that all possible war ment is returned to this country to be used for the benefit of the farmers and citiZens; to the Committee on Foreign Affairs. Also, memorial of the legislature of the State of New Jersey, memorializing the President and the Congress of the United States to use its prestige to cause the doors of Pall:lstine to be opened for Jewish gration; to the Committee on Foreign Affairs. PETITIONS, ETC. Under clause 1 of rule XXII, petitions and papers were laid on the Clerk's desk and referred as follows: 4987. By Mr .. ANDREWS: Resolution adopted by the Men's Club of Temple El, of Buffalo, N. Y., representing 300 bers, urging the President and the Congress to take all appropriate and necessary action to insure immediately the withdrawal and nullification of the Palestine White Paper of 1939; to the Committee on Foreign Affairs. 4988. By Mr. FITZPATRICK: Petition of the employees of the Star Binding and ming Corporation, New York City, urging the passage of House Resolution 418, for the establishment in Palestine of a national home for the Jewish people; to the Committee on Foreign Affairs. 4989. Also, petition signed by sundry dents of the State of New York, particularly Westchester County, protesting against the enactment of any and all prohibition lation; to the Committee on the Judiciary. 4990. Also, petition signed by sundry dents of the State of New York, particularly Bronx County, protesting against the ment of any and all prohibition legislation; to the Committee on the Judiciary. 4991. By Mr. FULMER: Concurrent lution' submitted by Inez Watson, clerk, house of representatives, Columbia, S. C., questing the Congress of the United States to provide that United States income-tax turns be simplified; to the Committee on Ways and Means. 4992. By Mr. HEIDINGER: Resolution of the Fairfield Rotary Club, Fairfield, lll., signed by Eldon P. Fleming, president, and L. H. -Garrison, secretary, earnestly urging the adoption of House Resolution 418; to the Committee on Foreign Affairs. 4993. By Mr. LUTHER A. JOHNSON: tion of Bonnie Kirby, of Corsicana, Tex., favoring House bill 3761; to the Committee on Military Affairs. . 4994. Also, petition of Hattie Goodloe, of Red Oak, Tex., favoring House bill 3843; to the Committee on the Judiciary. 4995. Also, petition of A. Louise Dietrich, R. N., general secretary and chairman, Texas committee on legislation, Texas Graduate Nurses' Association, favoring House bill 3761; to the Committee on Military Affairs. 4996. By Mr. ROLPH: Resolution of gregation Beth Shalom; San Francisco, Calif., relative to the abrogation of the lain White Paper, and urging the ment of a Jewish homeland in Palestine; to the Committee on Foreign Affairs. 4997. Also, resolution of Congregation Sherith Israel, San ;Francisco, Calif., relative to the abrogation of the Chamberlain White Paper, and urging the establishment of a. Jewish homeland in Palestine; to the mittee on Foreign Affairs. 4998. By Mr. ROHRBOUGH: Petition of H. Hardesty and 719 other citizens of the Third and First Congressional Districts of West ginia, protesting against the passage of any such prohibition legislation as is plated by the Bryson bill (H. R. 2082); to the Committee on the Judiciary. 4999. By the SPEAKER: Petition of the secretary of the Lions Club of Mayaguez, Mayaguez, P. R., petitioning consideration of their resolution with reference to tion of Puerto Ricans; to the Committee on Military Affairs. 6000. Also, petition of the city clerk, beth, N.J., petitioning consideration of their resolution with reference to Jewish tion; to the Committee on Foreign Affairs. 5001. Also, petition of the president, Union Republic Youth, San Juan, P.R., petitioning consideration of their resolution with ence to Gov. Rexford G. Tugwell; to the mittee on Insular Affairs. 5002. Also, petition of Asuncion nado, San Juan, P.R., petitioniJ:lg tion of their resolution with reference to Governor Tugwell; to the Committee on sular Affairs. 5003. Also, petition of Luis Garcia, of San Juan, P. R., petitioning consideration of his resolution with reference to independence of Puerto Rico; to the Committee on Insular Affairs. SENATE TuESDAY, FEBRUARY 22, 1944 (Legislative day of Monday, February 7. 1944) The Senate met at 12 o'clock meridian, on the expiration of the recess. The Chaplain, Rev. Frederick Brown Harris, D. D., offered the following prayer: Our fathers' God, we thank Thee for the stirring ministry of the past, for the story of noble deeds and selfless service, the memory of valiant men who have left their image and superscription ever upon our national life and whose wisdom and sacrifice have been vital tors in making and preserving us a nation. Especially this day we thank Thee for the shining virtues, the moral wisdom, and the elevated patriotism of Thy servant, the first President of the Republic, who still stands among us in lofty reserve. With clamorous voices demanding our ears we wo,uld listen again to his calm and reassuring voice as, being dead, he yet speaketh with unerring judgment, exhorting us to union and harmony. May these warning sentiments queathed for the meditation of all ture generations come to us with dimmed freshness as a message for these times. Like him whom we this day praise and honor, may we be unswayed by sion or prejudice. May our patriotism be like his, who, being tested by the tals of ambition, turned from the tation with indignation and abhorrence. By patience and faith may we, like him, rise above the difficulties, ments, and dangers which confront us, as in this day of desperate battle his PAGE - 2 ============ 1944 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-SENATE 1941 unsheathed sword inspires the men of America wherever liberty is lenged by tyranny. So, as the ages roll on, may a grateful nation cherish the luster of his virtues and the greatness of his service. Amen. THE JOURNAL On request of Mr. CLARK of Missouri, and by unanimous consent, the reading of the Journal of the proceedings 6f the calendar day Monday, February 21, 1944, was dispensed with, and the Journal was approved. CALL OF THE ROLL Mr. CLARK of Missouri. I suggest the absence of a quorum. The VICE PRESIDENT. The. clerk will call the roll. The Chief Clerk called the roll, and the following Senators answered to their names: Aiken George Andrews Gerry Austin Gillette Baile., Green Bankhead Guffey Hatch Bilbo Hayden Bone Hill Bridges Holman · Buck Jackson Burton Johnson, Colo. Bushfield La Follette Butler McClellan Byrd McFarland Capper McKellar Caraway Maybank Chavez Mead Clark, Idaho Mlllikln Clark, Mo. Moore Connally Murdock Davis Murray Eastland Nye Ferguson O'Daniel Overton Radcliffe Revercomb Reynolds Russell Shipstead Smith Taft Thomas, Idaho Thomas, Utah Tunnell Tydings Vandenberg Wallgren Walsh, N.J. Weeks Wherry White Wiley Wlllis Wilson Mr. BARKLEY. Mr. President, I nounce that the Senator from Virginia [Mr. GLASS] and the Senator from ming [Mr. O;Mot\HONEY] are absent from the Senate because of illness. The Senator from Kentucky [Mr. CHANDLER], the Senator from California [Mr. DowNEY], the Senator from isiana [Mr. ELLENDER], the Senator from West Virginia [Mr. KILGORE], the Senator . from Illinois [Mr. LucAS], the Senator from Connecticut [Mr. MALONEY], the Senator from Florida [Mr. PEPPER], the Senator from Tennessee [Mr. STEWART], the Senator from Oklahoma [Mr. THOMAS], the Senator from Missouri [Mr. TRUMAN], the Senator 'from New York [Mr. WAGNER], the Senator from chusetts [Mr. WALSH], and the Senator from Montana [Mr. WHEELER] are absent on public business. The Senators from Nevada [Mr. CARRAN and Mr. SCRUGHAM] are detained on official business. Mr. WHITE. The Senator from gon [Mr. McNARY] is absent because of illness. The Senator from Minnesota [Mr. BALL], the Senator from Maine [Mr. BREWSTERL the Senator from Illinois [Mr. BROOKS], the Senator from South Dakota [Mr. GURNEY], the Senator from New Jersey [Mr. HAWKES], the Senator from North Dakota [Mr. LANGER], the Senator from Kansas [Mr. REED], and the Senator from Wyoming [Mr. soN] are necessarily absent. The Senator from New Hampshire [Mr. ToBEY] is absent because of a death in his family. The VICE PRESIDENT. Sixty-seven Senators have answered to their names. A quorum is present. MESSAGE FROM THE PRESIDENT A message in writing from the dent of the United States submitting a nomination was communicated to the Senate by Mr. Miller, one of his taries. READING OF WASHINGTON'S FAREWELL ADDRESS The VICE PRESIDENT. Under the order of January 24, 1901, the Senate every year on this date listens to the reading of Washington's Farewell dress. Under that order the Senator from Utah [Mr. THOMAS] has been nated to read the address this year. Mr. THOMAS of Utah advanced to the desk and read the Farewell Address, as follows: To the people_ of the United States: FRIENDS AND FELLOW CITIZENS: The period for a new election of a citizen to administer the executive government of the United States being not far distant, and the time actually arrived when your thoughts must be employed in nating the person who is to be clothed with that important trust, it appears to me proper, especially as it may conduce to a more distinct expression of the public voice, that I should now apprise you of the resolution I have formed, to decline being considered among the number of those, out of whom a choice is to be made. I beg you, at the same time, to do me the justice to be assured, that this lution has not been taken, without a strict regard to all the considerations appertaining to the relation which binds a dutiful citizen to his country; and that, in withdrawing the tender of service which silence in my situation might imply, I am influenced by no diminution of zeal·for your future interest; no deft· ciency of grateful respect for your past kindness; but am supported by a full conviction that the step is compatible with both. The acceptance of, and continuance hitherto in the office to which your frages have twice called me, have been a uniform sacrifice of inclination to the opinion of duty, and to a deference for what appeared to be your desire. I stantly hoped that it would have been much earlier in my power, consi.stently with motives which I was not at liberty to disregard, to return to that retirement from which I had been reluctantly drawn. The strength of my inclination to do this, previous to the last election, had even led to the preparation of an address to declare it .to you; but mature reflectidn on the then perplexed and critical posture of our affairs with eign nations, and the unanimous advice of persons entitled to my confidence, impelled me to abandon the idea. I rejoice that the state of your cerns, external as well as internal, no longer renders the pursuit of inclination incompatible with the sentiment of duty or propriety; and am persuaded, ever partiality maw be retained for my services, that in the present circum-stances of our country, you will not disapprove my determination to retire. The impressions with · which I first undertook the arduous trust, were plained on the proper occasion. In the discharge of this trust, I will only say that I have, with good intentions, tributed towards the organization and administration of the government, the best exertions of which a very fallible judgment was capable. Not unconscious in the outset, of the inferiority of my qualifications, experience, in my own eyes, perhaps still more in the eyes of others, has strengthened the motives to diffidence of myEelf; and, every day, the increasing weight of years admonishes me more and more, that the shade of retirement is as necessary to me as it will be welcome. Satisfied that if any circumstances have given peculiar value to my services they were temporary, I have the consolation to believe that, while· choice and prudence invite me to quit the political scene, patriotism does not forbid it. In looking forward to the moment which is to terminate the career of my political life, my feelings do not permit me to suspend the deep acknowledgment of that debt of gratitude which I owe to my beloved country, for the many honors it has conferred upon me; still more for the steadfast confidence with which it has supported me; and for the tunities I have thence .enjoyed of festing my inviolable attachment, by services faithful and persevering, though in usefulness unequal to my zeal. If benefits have resulted to our country from these services, let it always be membered to ycur praise, and as an structive example in our annals, that under circumstances in which the sions, agitated in every direction, were liable to mislead amidst appearances sometimes dubioui, vicissitudes of tune often discouraging-in situations in which not unfrequently, want of cess has countenanced the spirit of criticism-the constancy of your support was the essential prop of the efforts, and a guarantee of the plans, by which they were effected. Profoundly penetrated with this idea, I shall carry it with me to my grave, as a strong incitement to unceasing vows that heaven may tinue to you the choicest tokens of its beneficence-that your union and erly affection may be perpetual-that the free constitution, which is the work of your hands, may be sacredly tained-that its administration in every department may be stamped with wisdom and virtue-that, in fine, the happiness of the people of these states, under the · auspices of liberty, may be made plete by so careful a preservation, and so prudent a use of this blessing, as will acquire to them the glory of ing it to the applause, the affection and adoption of every nation which is yet a stranger to it. Here, perhaps, I ought to stop. But a solicitude for your welfare, which cannot end but with my life, and the sion of danger, natural to that solicitude. urge me, on an occasion like the present, to offer to your solemn contemplation, PAGE - 3 ============ 1942 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-SENATE FEBRUARY 22 and to recommend to your frequent view, some sentiments which are sult of much reflection, of no able observation, and which appear to me all important to the permanency of your felicity as a people. These will be offered to you with the more freedom,· as you can only see in them the disinterested warnings of a parting friend, who can possibly have no personal motive to bias his counsel. Nor can I forget, as an couragement to it,. your indulgent tion of my sentiments on a former and not dissimilar occasion. Interwoven as is the love of liberty with every lig-ament of your hearts, no mendation of mine is necessary to fortify or confirm the attachment. The unity of government which tutes you one people, is also now dear to you. It is justly so; for it is a main pillar in the edifice of your real pendence; the support of your tranquility at home; your.peace abroad; of your safety; of your prosperity; of that very liberty which you so highly prize. But as it is easy to foresee that, from different causes and from different quarters much pains will be taken, many artifices played, to weaken in your minds the viction of this truth; as this is the point in your political fortress against which the batteries of internal and external enemies will be most constantly and tively (though often covertly and ously) directed; it is of infinite moment, that you should properly estimate the immense value of your national union to your collectivE; and individual happiness; that you should cherish a cordial, ual, and immovable attachment to it; accustoming yourselves to think and speak of it as of the palladium of your political safety and prosperity; watching for its preservation with jealous anxiety; discountenancing whatever may suggest even a suspicion that it can, in any event, be abandoned; and indignantly frowning upon the first dawning of every attempt to alienate any portion of our country from the rest, or to enfeeble the sacred ties which· now link together the various parts. For this you have every inducement of sympathy and interest. Citizens by birth, or choice, of a common country, 'that country has a right to concentrate your affections. The name of American, which belongs to you in your national capacity, must always exalt the just pride of patriotism, more than any appellation derived from local discriminations. With slight shades of difference, you have the same religion, habits, and political principles. You have, in a mon cause, fought and triumphed gether; the independence and liberty you possess, are the work of joint counsels, and joint efforts, of common dangers, sufferings and successes. But these considerations, however erfully they addressed themselves to your sensibility, are greatly outweighed by those which apply more immediately to your interest.-Here, every portion of our country finds the most commanding tives for carefully guarding and ing the union of the whole. · The north, in an unrestrained course with the south, protected by the equal laws of a common government, finds in the productions of the latter, great additional resources of maritime and commercial enterprise, and precious materials of manufacturing The south, in the same intercourse, fiting by the same agency of the north, sees its agriculture grow and its merce expand. Turning partly into its own channels the seamen of the north, it finds its particular navigation ated; and while it contributes, in ent ways, to nourish and increase the general mass of the national navigation, it looks forward to the :Protection of a maritime strength, to which itself is equally adapted. The east, in a like tercourse with the west, already finds, and in the progressive improvement of interior communications by land and water, will more and more find a valuable vent for the commodities which it brings from abroad, or manufactures at home. The west derives froni the east supplies requisite to its growth and comfort-and what is perhaps of still greater quence, it must of necessity owe the cure enjoyment of indispensable outlets for its own productions, to the weight, influence, and the future mariti:rpe strength of the Atlantic side of the Union, directed by an indissoluble munity of interest as one nation. Any other tenure by which the west can hold this essential whether derived from its own separate strength; or from an apostate and unnatural connection with any foreign power, must be cally precarious. While then every part of our country thus feels an immediate and particular interest in union, all the parts bined cannot fail to find in the united mass of means and efforts, greater strength, greater resource, ably greater security from external ger, a less frequent interruption of their peace by foreign nations; and, what is of inestimable value, they must derive from union, an exemption from those broils and wars between themselves, which so frequently afflict neighboring countries not tied together by the same government; which their own rivalship alone would be sufficient to produce, but which opposite foreign alliances, ments, and intrigues, would stimulate and embitter. Hence likewise, they will avoid the necessity of those overgrown military establishments, which under any form of government are inaus!,Jlcious to liberty, and which are to be regarded as particularly hostile to republican liberty. In this sense it is, that your union ought to be considered as a main prop of your liberty, and that the love of the one ought· to endear to you the preservation of the other. These considerations speak a persuasive language to every reflecting and virtuous mind and exhibit the continuance of the union as a primary object of patriotic desire. Is there a doubt whether a mon government can embrace so large ·a sphere? let experience solve it. To listen to mere speculation in such a case were criminal. We are authorized to hope that a proper organization of the ·whole,. with the auxiliary agency of ernments for the respective subdivisions, will afford a happy issue to the ment. It is well worth a fair and tull experiment. With such powerful and obvious motives to union, affecting all parts of our country, while experien.re shall not have demonstrated its practicability, there will always be reason to distrust the patriotism of those who, in any quarter, may endeavor to weaken its hands. In contemplating the causes which may disturb our Union; it occurs as matter of serious concern, that any ground should have been furnished for characterizing parties by geographical tions,-n01·thern and southern-Atlantic and western,· whence designing men may endeavor to excite a belief 'that there is a real difference of local interests and views. One of the expedients of party to acquire influence within particular tricts, is to misrepresent the opinions and aims of other districts. You cannot shield yourselves too much against the jealousies and heart burnings which spring from these misrepresentations; they tend to render alien to each other those who ought to be bound together by fraternal affection. The inhabitants of our western country have lately had a useful lesson on this head; they have seen, in the negotiation by the executive, and in the unanimous ratification by the ate of the treaty with Spain, and in the universal satisfaction at the event throughout the United States, a decisive proof how unfounded were the suspicions propagated among them of a policy in the general government and in the lantic states, unfriendly to their ests in regard to the Mississippi. They have been witnesses to the formation of two treaties, that with Great Britain and that with Spain, which secure to them everything they coulC:. desire, in respect to our foreign relations, towards ing their prosperity. WiU it not be their wisdom to rely for the preservation of these advantages on the union by which they were procured? will they not forth be deaf to those advisers, if such they are, who would sever them from their brethren and connect them with aliens? To the efficacy and permanency of your Union, a government for the whole is indispensable. No alliances, however strict, between the parts can be an quate substitute; they must inevitably experience the infractions and tions which all alliances, in all times, have experienced. Sensible of this mentous truth, you have improved upon your first essay, by the adoption of a stitution of government, better calculated than your former, for an intimate union, and for the efficacious management of your common concerns. This ment, the offspring of our own choice, uninfluenced and unawed, adopted upon full investigation and mature tion, completely free in its principles, in the distribution of its powers, uniting security with energy, and maintaining within itself a provision for its own amendment, has a just claim to your confidence and your support. Respect for its authority, compliance with its .laws, acquiescence in its measures, are duties _.enjoined by. the fundamental PAGE - 4 ============ 1944 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-SENATE 1943 maxims of true liberty. The basis of our political systems is the right of the people to make and to alter their tutions of government.-But the tution which at any time exists, until changed by an explicit and authentic act of the whole people, is sacredly tory upon all. The very idea of the power, and the right of the people to establish government-, presuppose the duty of every individual to obey the established government All obstructions to the execution of the laws, all combinations and associations under whatever plausible character, with the real design to direct, control, teract, or awe the regular deliberations and action of the constituted authorities, are destructive of this -fundamental principle, and of fatal tendency.-They serve to organize faction, to give it an artificial and extraordinary force, to put in the place of the delegated will of the nation the will of party, often a small but artful and enterprising minority of the community; and, according to the alternate triumphs of different parties, to make the public-administration the mirror of the ill concerted and incongr.ous projects of faction, rather than the organ of consistent and wholesome plans digested by common councils, and fied by mutual However combinations or associations of the above description ·may now and then answer popular ends, they are likely, in the course of time and things, to come potent engines, by which cunning, ambitious, and unprincipled men, will be enabled to subvert the power of the ple, and to usurp for themselves the reins of government; destroying afterwards the very engines which have lifted them to unjust dominion. Towards the preservation of your ernment and the permanency of your present happy state, it is requisite, not only that you steadily discountenance irregular opposition to its acknowledged authority, but also that you resist with care the spirit of innovation upon its principles, however specious the pretext. One method of assault may be to effect, in the forms of the constitution, tions which will impair the energy of the system; and thus to undermine what cannot be directly overthrown. In all the changes to which you may be invited, member that time and habit at least as necessary to fix the true character of governments, as of other human tutions :-that experience is the surest standard by which to test the real ency of the existing constitution of a country:-that facility in changes, upon the credit of mere hypothesis and ion, exposes to perpetual change from the endless variety of hypothesis and opinion: and remember, especially, that for the efficient management of your common interests in a country so sive as ours, a government of as much vigor as is consistent with the perfect security of liberty is indispensable. erty itself will find in such a government, with powers properly distributed and justed, its surest guardian. It is, indeed, little else than a name, where the gov-, ernment is too feeble to withstand the enterprises of faction, to confine each . member of the society within the limits prescribed by the laws, and to maintain all in the secure and tranquil enjoyment of the rights of person and property. I have already intimated to YJU the danger of parties in the state, with ticular references to the founding them on geographical discrimination. Let me now take a more comprehensive view, and warn you in the most solemn manner against. the baneful effects of the spirit of party generally. This spirit, unfortunately, is ble from our nature, having its root in the strongest passions of the human mind.-It exists under different shapes in all governments, more or less stifled, con-_ trolled, or repressed; but in thost.-of the popular form it is seen in its greatest rankness, and is truly their·worst enemy. The alternate domination of one tion over another, sharpened by the spirit of revenge natural to party dissension, which in different ages and countries has perpetrated the most horrid enormities, is itself a frightful despotism . ..,-But this leads at length to a more formal and permanent despotism. The disorders and miseries which result, gradually incline the minds of men to seek security and repose in the absolute power of an vidual; and, sooner or later, the chief of some prevailing faction, more able or more fortunate than his competitors, turns this disposition to the purpose of his own elevation on the ruins of public liberty. Without looking forward to an ity of this kind, (which nevertheless ought not to be entirely out of sight) the common and continual mischiefs of the spirit or party are sufficient to make it the interest and duty of a wise people to discourage and restrain it. It serves always to distract the public councils, and enfeeble the public istration. It agitates the community with ill founded jealousies and false alarms; kindles the animosity of one part against another; foments occasional riot and surrection. It opens the door to foreign influence and corruption, which finds a facilitated access to the government itself through the channels of party passions. Thus the policy and the will of one try are subjected to the policy and will of another. There is an opinion that parties in free countries are useful checks upon the administration of the government, and serve to keep alive the spirit of liberty. This within certain limits is' probably true; and in . governments of a narchial cast, patriotism may look with indulgence, if not with favor, upon the spirit of party. But in those of the lar character, in governments purely elective, it is a spirit not to be encouraged. From their natural tendency, it is certain there will always be enough of that spirit for every salutary purpose. And there being constant danger of excess, the effort ought to be, by force of public opinion, to mitigate and assuage it. A fire not to be quenched, it demands a uniform vigilance to prevent it bursting into a flame, lest instead of warming, it should consume. It is important likewise, that the habits of thinking in a free country should in-spire caution in those intrusted with its administration, to confine themselves within their respective constitutional spheres, avoiding in the exercise of the powers of one department, to encroach upon another. The spirit of ment tends to consolidate the powers of all the departments in one, and thus to create, whatever the form of government, a real despotism. A just estimate of that love of power and proneness to abuse it which predominate in the human heart, is sufficient to satisfy us of the truth of this position. The necessity of reciprocal checks in the exercise of political power, by dividing and distributing it into dient depositories, and constituting each the guardian of the public weal against invasion of the others,. has been evinced by experiments ancient and modern; some of them in our country and under our own To preserve them must be as necessary as to institute them. If, in the opinion of the people, the tion or modification of the constitutional powers be in any particular wrong, let it be corrected by an amendment in the way which the constitution But let there be no change byuslJ,rpation; for though this, in one instance, may be the instrument of good, it is the ary weapon by which free governments are destroyed. The precedent must always greatly overbalance in permanent evil any partial or transient benefit which the use can at any time yield. Of all the dispositions and habits which lead to political prosperity, religion and morality are indispensable supports. In vain would that man claim the tribute of patriotism, who should labor to subvert these great pillars of human happiness, these firmest props of the duties of men and citizens. The mere politician, equally with the pious man, ought to respect and to cherish them. · A volume could not trace all their connections with private and public felicity. Let it simply be asked, where is the security for property, for reputation, for life, if the sense of religious obligation deser-t the oaths which are the instruments of tion in courts of justice? And let us with caution indulge the supposition that morality can be maintained without ligion. Whatever 'may be conceded to the influence of refined education on minds of peculiar structure, reason and experience both forbid us to expect, that national morality can prevail in sion of religious principle. It is substantially true, that virtue or morality is a necessary spring of popular government. The rule, indeed extends with more or less force to every species of free government. Who that is a cere friend to it can look with ence upon attempts to shake the tion of the fabric? Promote, then, as an object of primary importance, institutions for the general diffusion of knowledge. In proportion as the structure of a government gives force to public opinion, it should be enlightened. As a very important source of strength and security, cherish public credit. One ·method of preserving it is to use it as sparingly as possible, a voiding occasions PAGE - 5 ============ . I 1944 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-SENATE FEBRUARY 22 of expense by cultivating peace, but membering, also, that timely ments, to prepare for danger, frequently prevent much greater disbursements to repel it; avoiding likewise the tion of debt, not only by shunning sions of expense, but by vigorous ertions, in time of peace, to discharge the debts which unavoidable wars may have occasioned, not ungenerously throwing upon posterity the burden which we selves· ought to bear. The execution of these maxims belongs to your tives, but it is necessary that public ion should cooperate. To facilitate to them the performance of their duty, it is essential that you should practically bear in mind, that towards the payment of debts there must be revenue; that to have revenue there must be taxes, that no taxes can be devised which are not more or less inconvenient and ant; that the intrinsic embarrassment inseparable from the selection of the proper object (which is always a choice of difficulties,) ought to be a decisive motive for a candid construction of the conduct of the government in making it, and for a spirit of acquiescence in the measures for obtaining revenue, which the public exigencies may at any time dictate. Observe good faith and justice towards all nations; cultivate peace and harmony with all. Religion and morality enjoin this conduct, and can it be that good · policy does not equally enjoin it? It will be worthy of a free, enlightened, and, at no distant period, a great nation, to give to mankind the magnanimous and too novel example of a people always guided by an exalted justice and benevolence. Who can doubt but, in the course of time and things, the fruits of such a plan would richly repay any temporary tages which might be lost by a steady herence to it; can it be that Providence has not connected the permanent felicity of a nation with its virtue? The ment, at least is recommended by every sentiment which ennobles human nature. Alas! is it rendered impossible by its vices? In the execution of such a plan, nothing is more essential than that permanent, inveterate antipathies against particular nations and passionate attachments for others, should be excluded; and that, in place of them, just and amicable feelings towards all should be cultivated. The nation which indulges towards another an habitual hatred, or an habitual ness, is in some degree a slave. It is a slave to its animosity or to its affection, either of which is sufficient to lead it astray from its duty and its interest. Antipathy in one nation against another disposes each more readily to offer insult and injury, to lay hold of slight causes of umbrage, and to be haughty and tractable when accidental or trifling oc'casions of dispute occur. Hence, quent collisions, obstinate,-envenomed, and bloody contests. The nation, prompted by ill will and resentment, sometimes impels to war the government, contrary to the best palculations of policy. The government sometimes participates in the national propensity, and adopts . through passion what reason would ject; at other times, it the ani-mosity of the nation subservient to ects of hostility, instigated by pride, bition, and other sinister and pernicious .motives. The peace often, sometimes perhaps the liberty of nations, has been the victim. -So likewise, a passionate attachment of one nation for another produces a variety of evils. Sympathy for the ite nation, facilitating the illusion of an imaginary common interest, in cases where no real common interest exists, and infusing into one the enmities of the other, betrays the former into a participation in the quarrels and wars of the latter, without ·adequate ments or justifications. It leads also to concessions, to the favorite nation, of privileges denied to others, which is apt doubly to injure the nation making the concessions, by unnecessarily parting with what ought to have been retained, and by exciting jealousy, ill will, and a disposition to retaliate in the parties from whom equal privileges are held; and it gives to ambitious, rupted. or deluded citizens who devote themselves to the favorite nation, ity to betray or sacrifice the interests of their own country, without ·odium, sometimes even with popularity; gilding with the appearances of a virtuous sense of ol,Jligation, a commendable deference for public opinion, or a laudable zeal for public good, the base or foolish pliances of ambition, corruption, or in-fatuation. · As avenues to foreign influence in innumerable ways, such attachments are particularly alarming to the truly lightened and independent patriot. How many opportunities do they afford to tamper with domestic factions, to tice the arts of seduction, to mislead public opinion, to influence or awe the public councils !-Such an attachment of a small or weak, towards a great and powerful nation, dooms the former to be the satellite of the latter. Against the insidious wiles of foreign influence, (I conjure you to believe me fellow citizens,) the jealousy a free people ought to be constantly awake; since history and experience prove, that foreign influence is one of the most ful foes of republican government. But that jealousy, to be useful, must be partial, else it becomes the instrument of the very influence to be avoided, instead of a defense against it. Excessive tiality for one foreign nation and cessive dislike for another, cause those whom they actuate to see danger only on one side, and serve to veil and even second the arts of influence on the other. Real patriots, who may resist the trigues of the favorite, are liable to be-. come suspected and odious; while its tools and dupes usurp the applause and confidence of the people, to surrender their intereSts. The great rule of conduct for us, in regard to foreign nations, is, in extending our commercial relations, to have with them as little political connection as possible. So far as we have already formed engagements, let them be filled with perfect good faith:-Here let us stop. Europe has a set of primary interests, which to us have none, or a very remote relation. Hence, she must be engaged in frequent controversies, the causes ot which are essentially foreign to our cerns. Hence, therefore, it must be unwise in us to implicate ourselves, by artificial ties, in the ordinary vicissitudes of her politics, or the ordinary combinations and collusions of her friendships or enmities. Our detached and distant situation invites and enables us to pursue a ferent course. If we remain one people, under an efficient government, the period is not far off when we may defy material injury from external annoyance; when we may take such an attitude as will cause the neutrality we may at any time resolve upon, to be scrupulously ed; when belligerent natioqs, under the impossibility of making acquisitions upon us, will not lightly hazard the giving us provocation, when we may choose peace or war, as our interest, guided by justice, shall counsel. Why forego the advantages of so peculiar a situation? Why quit our own to stand upon foreign ground? Why, by interweaving our destiny with that of any part of Europe, entangle our peace and prosperity in the toils of European ambition, rivalship, interest, humor, or caprice?· It is our true policy to steer clear of permanent alliance with any portion of the foreign world; so far, I mean, as we are now at liberty to do it; for let me not be understood as capable of patronizing infidelity to existing engagements. I hold the maxim no less applicable ·to public than private affairs, that honesty is always the best policy. I repeat it, therefore, let those engagements be served in their genuine sense. But in my opinion, it is unnecessary, and would be unwise to extend them. Taking care always to keep ourselves by suitable establishments, on a spectable defensive posture, we may safely trust to temporary alliances for extraordinary emergencies. Harmony, and a liberal intercourse with all nations, are recommended by policy, humanity, and interest. But even our commercial policy should hold an equal and impartial hand: neither ing nor granting exclusive favors or erences; cpnsulting the natural course of things; diffusing and diversifying by gentle means the streams of commerce, but forcing nothing; establishing with powers so disposed, in order to give trade a stable course, to define the rights of our merchants, and to enable the ernment to support them, conventional rules of intercourse, the best that present circumstances and mutual opinion will permit, but temporary, and liable to be from time to time abandoned or varied as experience and circumstances shall tate; constantly keeping in view, that it is folly in one nation to look for terested favors from another; that it must pay with a portion of its ence for whatever it may accept under that character; that by such acceptance, it may place itself in the condition of having given equivalents for nominal favors, and yet of being reproached with 575 KB – 23 Pages