Co-optation and Repression in Post-Darul Islam West Java . August 2012, 134: pewforum/files/2012/08/the-worlds-muslims-fullreport.pdf; cited As part of the counteroffensive described earlier, A.R.T. mobilized kyai dubbed “kyai.

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Radical Leaders : Status, Competition, and Violent Islamic Mobilization in Indonesi a By Alexandre Paquin -Pelletier A thesis submitted in conformity with the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Political Science University of Toronto © Copyright by Alexandre Pelletier, 201 9

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ii Radical Leaders: Status, Competition, and Violent Islamic Mobilization in Indonesia Alexandre Paquin -Pelletier Doctor of Philosphy Department of Political Science University of Toronto 2019 Abstract Why do some Muslim leaders radicalize while others do not? Drawing on a study of radical mobilization in Indonesia, this dissertation argues that Muslim leaders radicalize when they find religious authority hard to gain and maintain. It makes two sp ecific points: 1) radical mobilization is more likely among weak and precarious religious leaders , those with few followers and little institutionaliza tion; and , 2) weak and precarious leaders are more likely to radicalize in crowded and competitive religious markets, because they need to be creative if they want to survive. It argues that weak Muslim leaders, in competitive environment, are the ones most likely to use strategies of o utbidding, scapegoating, and provocation. The dis-sertationÕs empirical puzzle is the cross -regional variations in Islamist mobilization observed in post -transition Java , Indonesia . Since 1999, radical groups have proliferated and mob i-lized more in some regions than others. The study finds that in regions with radical groups and mobilization , most clerics have weak religious institutions, fragmented networks, and operate in competitive religious market s. In these markets, radical mobiliz ation provides

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iii low -status clerics with a cheap and efficient way to bolster their religious author ity. In r e-gions where radical groups did not proliferate, most clerics have strong religious instit utions with deep roots in society, extensive networks, and operate in much less competitive rel i-gious environments . In these markets , clerics do not feel the same urge to mobilize , as rel i-gious a uthority is more secure, stable, and routinized. The origins of these religious markets are traced back to sub -regional variations in the process of state building . State building strat egies had long -lasting consequences on contemporary Musl im institutions by shaping subs equent political cleavages and state policies toward Islam. This dissertation is based on 13 months of fieldwork in Indonesia, 124 interviews with Muslim clerics and activists, and a new d ataset of JavaÕs 15,000 Islamic board ing schools and their 30,000 Muslim clerics .

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iv Acknowledgments It has been a long journey, but a stimulating and fulfilling one! I would not have made it to the end without the dedicated support and energy of so many people. First and for emost, I owe m y most sincere and heartfelt thanks to my supervisor, Jacques Bertrand, who made my experience in the program incredibly unique and rich. I thank you first for your patience and for never stopping to believe that I would complete this dissertation, even wh en I was not sure myself. I also thank you for giving me the confidence to study a topic and a region that fascinate me . Thanks for guiding me in the right direction, for your insightful que stions, and for giving me the space to grow intellectually and dev elop my own ideas. Your frankness (especially about my awkward English at times!) and rigour helped me turn this disse rtation into something better, but also helped me become a much better scholar. But Jacques, you were more than a supervisor to me, you gave me amazing opportunities, you were an e x-traordinary mentor, a wonderful travel companion, and you have become a friend. Merci infiniment ! I thank my two other committee members, Lucan A. Way and the late Lee Ann Fujii, for their amazing work. Thanks Luc an for helping me see the broader picture and for your en-couragement and commenting on my work. As I finished and defended my di ssertation, I could not but think of Lee Ann Fujii who left us too early. As a scholar of political violence and identity, I was profoundly influenced and inspired by her work , and especially the way she approached fiel dwork . She will never read the final version of this disse rtation, but I hope she would have been proud of it. I would like to thank Aisha Ahmad whose enthusiasm for my work gave me confidence that I was saying something important and relevant. Thanks for being such a good mentor and a role model. Finally, I want to thank John T. Sidel from the London School of Economics for his excellent reading of my dissertation, f or cha l-

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v lenging me at the defense, and for his amazing comments that will shape future iterations of this pr oject. I feel privileged to have joined a community of scholars that welcomed me with open arms and that sees its role as helping the new generation do well. The AAS Conferences and SEAREG meetings have be come like old friends reunions f or me. I have enormously ben e-fited from the generous suggestions, criticisms, and encouragement , at various stages of my dissertation , of Michael Buehler, Greg Fealy, Kikue Hamayotsu, Robert W. He fner, Allen Hicken, Sana Jaffre y, Eunsook Jung, Erik Martinez Kuhonta, Diana Kim, Rita Smith Kipp, Edmund Malesky, Jeremy Menchik, Tom Pepinsky, Dan Slater, and Yuhki Tajima . I have also benefited over the years from the suppor t of many members of the broader academic community such as Dominique Caouette, Isabelle CŽt”, Alain G. Ga gnon, Tania Murray Li, Matthew I. Mitchell , and Ardeth Maung Thawnghmung . I owe a very special thank s to Je r-emy Menchik and Isabelle CŽt” for their fr iendship , and for being just amazing and ge nerous mentors. I will pay it forward , I promise . At the University of Toronto, besides my dissertation committee, I have learned a lot from the late Richard Simeon, who rapidly believed in me and who I miss dear ly. I have also a p-preciated the encouragement of Neil Nevitte and all my conversations with Donald Forbes. The staff of the Department of Political Science is simply extraordinary. I would like to thank them all for making Sidney SmithÕs cinder block walls so much warmer and welco m-ing. I especially want to thank Carolynn Branton and Sari Sherman for everything they did for me. I will keep sending pictures of Louise, I promise. I owe a deep gratitude to many people in Indonesia, who gave both time and energy to h elp me conduct this research. I have learned so much more than this dissertation could ever con-vey. I had the privilege to meet genuinely friendly, welcoming, and generous people and I would like to apologize to all of you for any mistake I may have c ommitted, e specially for not being ÒhalusÓ enough sometimes or for other unintentiona l cultural missteps. I owe spe-cial thank s to my friend Wawan Gunawan who made a lot of this research possible and who made my trips to the Priangan so much more fun. Many thanks to Abdil Mughis Mudhoffir, Abdul Karim A ddakhil, Ahmad Bastomi, Ahmad Suaedy, Sukron Hadi, Ali Munhanif, Andi Rahman Alamsyah, Dadi Darmadi, Hunaifi MasÕoed, Andi Rahman, Ahmad Zainul Hamdi,

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vi Jalaluddin, Shohei Nakamura, Sri Nuryanti, Sukirman Marsha n, and Wahyuni Widyanin g-sih. To all of you, and those I cannot name here , terima kasih atas segalanya ! My colleagues and friends have greatly enriched my time in graduate school on both an i n-tellectual and personal level. It always felt good to share meal s, drinks, laughs, and also to picket with you all. I want to thank for their friendship over the years Noaman Ali, G abriel Arsenault , Ozlem Aslan , Karlo Basta, éve Bourgeois, Dragana Bodruzic, Yi-Chun Chien, Yannick Dufresne, Min Do, Ahmad Fuad Fanani , Marie Gagn” , Carmen Jacqueline Ho, Da-vid Houle , Kate Korycki , Melissa Levin , Jaby Mathew, Michael Morden, Jerald Sabin, Jes-sica Soedirgo , Paul Thomas , Mark Winward, Irene Poetranto , Jean Lachapelle, Hamish van der Ven, Andrew McDougall, and Luke Melchiorre. I would also like to thank my friends outside of Toronto for their support, especially St”phanie Chouinard , Catherine Ellyson, Guillaume Filion, Arnaud Marion, Julien McEvoy, S”bastien OÕNeill, and Jean-Charles Saint -Louis . Special thanks to my friend Ga briel who persuaded , when I was the most co n-fused , that I was at the right place and that I should continue. Your friendship is one of the best things that the Un iversi ty of Toronto brought me. Marie, you have been an amazing friend throughout the years. You offered constant support and encouragement, always read my work and provided brilliant feedback and, most importantly, made sure to tell me when I was silly. I also want to thank Jessica for her friendship and support both in Canada and I n-donesia , and esp ecially during our fieldwork (i.e. when I was always sick!) . I look fo rward to our next dim sum brunch! My work would not have been possible without the financial support of the Social Sc ience and Humanities Research Council of Canada (SSHRC) and the Ontar io Government Scho l-arships Program (OGS). I would also like to thank the University of TorontoÕs Department of Political Science and School of Graduate Studies for supporting my fiel dwork. Without this crucial financial support, it would have been impossib le to spend as much time in the field . F ieldwork has easily been the most challenging, yet life -changing part of the exper i-ence. I am glad I was part of a department, a university, and an academic co mmunity that recognize and value fieldwork. Finally, supp ort from the Trudeau Center for Peace, Conflict, and Justice (Munk School of Global Affairs) and the Centre dÕ”tudes et de recherches inte r-nationales (Universit” de Montr”al) helped me complete th is program.

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viii Table of C ontent Abstract ii!Acknowledgments iv!Table of Content . viii !List of Figures . xi!List of Tables . xii !Glossary .. xiii !Chapter 1. Introduction . 1!1. The Argument . 2!2. The Puzzle 4!2.1. A Puzzling Geography of Radical Mobilization .. 11!3. Explaining Patterns of Radical Mobilization in Java .. 15!4. Methodology . 21!5. Outline of the Dissertation . 23!Chapter 2. An Institutional Theory of Radical Entrepreneurship and Mobilization . 27!1. The Limits of Conventional Explanations . 28!2. An Institutional Theory of Radicalism and Radicalization .. 37!2.1 ÒVertical integrationÓ: Ties to Followers .. 40!2.2 ÒHorizontal integrationÓ: Ties to Other Clerics .. 41!3. The Origins of Islamic Institutions and Religious Markets . 43!4. Status, Competition, and Radicalism 46!5. Conclusion . 51!Chapter 3. Radica l Mobilization and Islamic Institutions: Setting the Stage . 53!1. Radical Clerics and Intolerant Mobilization . 54!2. A Geography of Islamic Institutions . 57!2.1. Compari ng Within Java . 61!

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ix 3. Conclusion . 70!Chapter 4. The Colonial Origins of Islamic Organizations in Java . 72!1. Mobilizing Labour, Collecting Taxes .. 76!1.1. Islamic Leaders in the Countryside . 80!1.2. Islam and ÒSecularÓ Power .. 84!2. Colonial Reforms, Colonial Legacies .. 87!2.1. Administrative Reforms 88!2.2. Government Ulama in West Java . 91!2.3. Land Reforms . 94!2.4. Independent Kyai in West Java . 99!3. Conclusion .. 102!Chapter 5. Cleavage Formation, State Response, and Muslim Leadership .. 104!1. Cohesion in East Java 106!1.1. Kyai vs. the Modernists: The National Awakening in East Java (1880Ð1930) .. 108!1.2. Political Competition and the Consolidation of NU . 114!1.3. Kyai Against the Communists . 118!2. Fragmentation in West Java 121!2.1. Kyai vs. th e Colonial State: National Awakening in West Java (1880Ð1930) 123!2.2. The Sarekat Islam/Rakyat Movement . 126!2.3. Repression, Co -optation and the Rise of Nahdlatul Ulama in West Java . 131!2.4. Ulama Against the Republic . 139!2.5. Co-optation and Repression in Post -Darul Islam West Java 142!3. Ulama and SuhartoÕs ÒNew OrderÓ (1966 -1998) 149!4. Conclusion .. 153!Chapter 6 . Radical Mobilization in West Java 155!1. Democracy and Religious Authority . 157!2. Generating Religious Authority in West Java .. 167!2.1. Radical Groups and Religious Authority 173!3. Opposition to Radical Groups .. 183!4. Conclusion .. 186!Chapter 7. Radical Mobilization i n East Java .. 187!1. Generating Religious Authority in East Java . 188!

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x 1.1. Low Competition, Low Proliferation .. 189!1.2. Barriers of Entry . 196!1.3. Institutionalized Authority, Low Entrepreneurship .. 203!2. Conclusion .. 210!Chapter 8. Conclusion . 211!1. Summary of the Argument . 212!2. Beyond Indonesia 222!3. Conclusion .. 227!Bibliography . 229!1. Articles and Books .. 229!2. Newspaper Articles . 250!Appendix 1. List of Interviews 256!

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xi List of Figures Figure 1.1- Radical Mobilization by Vigilante Organizations in Java, 1999 Ð2014 .. 8!Figure 1.2 – Regional Variations of Vigilante Mobilization, 2008 -2014 .. 12!Figure 1.3 – Summary of the Historical Argument 25!Figure 2.1- The Two Sources of Religious Authority 39!Figure 2.2- The Religious Authority Continuum . 41!Figure 3.1 – Religious Titles of FPI chairmen, Java . 56!Figure 3.2 – Summary of Religious Field Structures and Islamic Mobilization in Java 67!Figure 4.1 – Summary of the Religious Markets in Java 72!Figure 4.2 – Land Tenure Systems in Java, c. 1900 .. 98!Figure 4.3 – Number of Haji per 100,000 inhabitants in Java, 1900 -1950 . 101!Figure 5.1 – Pathway to Cohesion in East Java 107!Figure 5.2 – Organizational Structure of Traditional Islamic Education in Java . 111!Figure 5.3 – Pathway to Fragmentation in West Java 122!Figure 5.4 – Number of ÒMukimÓ leaving Java, 1921 -1939 . 134!Figure 6.1 – Total number of pesantren per 10,000 Capita, 2003 -2014 .. 161!

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